Red Alert

Posts Tagged ‘tax cuts’

Tax and the Budget Policy Statement

Posted by David Cunliffe on March 4th, 2010

Parliament’s Finance and Expenditure Select Committee has just released its report on the half-yearly Budget Policy Statement.  This  politely worded document contains some useful nuggets of information that arose from Bill English’s testimony to the committee, and summarises FEC members’ views of what they heard.  Some of it was reported at the time, but it is worth reiterating in the context of the broader tax reform debate.

  1. English reiterated that the tax pacakge will be fiscally neutral.
  2. Raising GST to 15% is the government’s intention.
  3. This was not presented as a “revenue raiser on its own” but was needed to help pay for cuts to tax rates.
  4. The main rate change would be at the top end, with likely alignment with the Trust rate at 33%.
  5. Although there was talk that middle and lower income earners would be “no worse off”, committee members pointed out the huge inequity of top rate reductions for the few, versus standstill at best for the many.  There is no disguising the relative shift of the tax burden.

FEC members pushed on how the government would achieve fiscal neutrality given its stated intentions to compensate for GST – the numbers did not appear to add up.    Mr English first disputed the Tax Working Group’s estimates (funny how when he agrees he quotes them) that show full compensation costs almost all the extra revenue increased GST raises; then said rate cuts woul be largely funded from taxes on property.

Having excluded a comprehensive CGT, Land Tax and RFRM, the amount able to be raised from changing building depreciation rules is insufficient (only $0.3 to $1 bn compared to a revenue requirement of $1.2-$1.5bn ).  So if the government cuts the top rate as much as they’d like, it doesn’t leave a lot left over for the great majority of taxpayers.

Mr English then wriggled around on what a partial CGT might look like – discussing a bright line test to change the “intent” rules around property speculation.  English has also proposed “ring fencing”, a measure that he has ridiculed in the past as a ‘disastrous’ proposal.(http://www.hansard.parliament.govt.nz/Documents/20070621.htm )

It is very debateable whether that would fix the tax inequity between investment classes.  It is even more dubious to suggest that the additional property taxes would all be borne by top tax rate individuals – what about retirees and middle income earners with one or two investment proprties who may need to sell up? It looks like the intervention into the property market will really be a revenue gathering exercise to pay for tax cuts to the top rate, rather than a principled approach to addressing distortions as English claims.

And nowhere in the MOF’s presentation was there any talk about closing down the other tax planning rorts.  Funny that.

More broadly, the government cannot escape the contradiction that:

  1. It says it has enough revenue to deliver big top rate tax reductions for the few (but not the many).
  2. But it will drastically reduce new spending to $1.1 bn in Budget 2010 and onwards - inevitably resulting in real front line service cuts to Health and Education.
  3. There was no discussion of restoring superannuation pre-funding, Kiwisaver incentives,  restoring contributions to the SuperFund, or R and D tax credits, even though Treasury has previously advised all are prudent and necessary.

My impression of Bill English’s presentation was that no matter how it is dressed up, the government’s intentions are stark and predictable: raise taxes for the many and cut them for the few, and cut services for the many to pay for it.


National: No New Ideas

Posted by Iain Lees-Galloway on February 15th, 2010

Simon Power is the MP for Rangitikei, the electorate that completely surrounds mine in Palmerston North. I see quite a bit of him and get on with him quite well. Generally speaking I think he’s one of the more sensible Nats and definitely one of the most competent.

But Simon’s response to the Misuse of Drugs Act review is wrong. To dismiss such a comprehensive piece of work out of hand not only shows disdain for the Law Commission but for the people of New Zealand.

It’s an issues paper, which means it is open for discussion and consultation. But Simon has shut down the discussion and basically told us there is no point in engaging in the consultation. All because John Key decided he would make a ‘war on P’ central to his popularity strategy.

Of course the National Party is a conservative party so it’s not great surprise. But should being conservative be an excuse to ignore any new ideas?

It seems new, good ideas don’t get much air time at cabinet. Look at what the first year of National-led government has brought us: Laissez-faire economics, tax-cuts for the rich, cuts to the public sector, National Standards in primary schools. All old ideas. All bad ideas.

I hope the bigger thinkers in cabinet can start having a bit more say. C’mon Simon, you’re better than this.


Tax a big issue

Posted by Stuart Nash on September 13th, 2009

Once again it looks as if tax policy is shaping up to be another big issue that will define the philosophical differences between Labour and the Nats. 

Party members at the conference were horrified when I told them that the Treasury official on Bill English’s Tax Working Group said that they are crunching the numbers on increasing GST to fund income tax cuts from the current top rates of 38 and 33% down to 30%.  He was, however, only reiterating National policy of cutting the top rates down to 30%. 

Another kick in the guts for ordinary kiwis on middle to lower incomes who would not qualify for a national tax cut - again!


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Posted by Raymond Huo on August 2nd, 2009

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Mt Albert Quick Analysis

Posted by Trevor Mallard on June 15th, 2009

How did it all go so wrong for the Nats. Their pollster David Farrar was calling the possibility of a narrow win for the Nats just before the selections. So what happened.

  1. Key forced an outsider on the local activists.
  2. Their local organisation was never that good but it wasn’t involved in the campaign as it had been for the general election. You can’t win if your few activists don’t vote for you.
  3. Lee started making mistakes right from the start.
  4. She wasn’t well supported. Jonathan Coleman doesn’t have the political experience or the street smarts to mind a candidate on a daily basis.
  5. Coleman gave up on Lee
  6. Key gave up on Lee.
  7. The Nats tried to turn it into a referendum on Goff – and then got hammered.
  8. We got a very good candidate – and the others who put their names in worked hard for David.
  9. The organisation worked well – better and better as the campaign went on.
  10. There was an amazing number of young people involved (say under 30 or 25) mainly from Auckland Uni and AUT including a minibus load who came up from Wgtn for the week  before the event. That experience and the willingness of electorates to toss a few hundies at the minibus bodes well for the future.
  11. ICT usage hit new high.
  12. Key’s mishandling of motorway issue.
  13. Key’s handing the supercity issue to Hide.
  14. The budget – a bit of a slow burner but there is bitterness at the lies told about tax cuts in December and late in the campaign more awareness of the cuts – some of which have gone down badly including those for gifted kids and night classes both areas valued by Nat supporters.

But remember it was just a by-election, great result but don’t read too much into it. Key did badly but he might learn from it.


Deceit is settling

Posted by Pete Hodgson on June 2nd, 2009

The budget is now five days old and a sense of deceit is starting to settle around it for two reasons. The first is the obvious one that today’s government cannot guarantee tomorrow’s super at the same time as, rightly or wrongly, they elect to create a $34B hole in the NZ super (Cullen) fund. The government’s assurances that such a hole has no consequences are patently wrong. Less obvious, because it requires insider knowledge, is the nature of the government’s advice when it chose to pass tax cut legislation for April ‘10 and ‘11 in the middle of Dec ‘08. The pace of deterioration of the government’s books in the closing months of ‘08 was startling. On Nov 8 Labour ministers stopped getting advice and National ministers started getting it. By mid December they would have clearly understood that their tax plans could not be afforded. But they passed them anyway and now folk are wising up to that. Brian Rudman did a piece in the Herald last Wednesday which nailed that issue and (according to usually reliable sources) the editor got a bollocking on the phone from Mr Key for his troubles. Not v primeministerial. So the 100 days of action have ended and the 100 days of retreat are upon us. It is pertinent that while many NZers are understanding of the case for breaking a promise, a growing number are reflecting a view that legislating for that promise in the first place was less than honest. In the government’s defence there was and is uncertainty around, but it is not plausible that they couldn’t see the direction and pace of change by the second week of December.


Budget day

Posted by David Cunliffe on May 28th, 2009

Today is Budget Day. I will be flat tack working with Hon Phil Goff on Labour’s response. It should be a Jobs Budget. It won’t be.

This looks like being the budget of the Great Lie – the cancellation of the tax cuts that were the centrepiece of  National’s 2008 election campaign. You could even say that deception compromises National’s right to govern at all.

Expect this to be a conservative budget that wastes opportunities to put jobs and people first. It will compromise growth by failing to invest sufficiently in skills, innovation and productive infrastructure.

It will impose near-impossible assumptions of low or zero growth in Crown expenses in out years in order to make the long term fiscal picture look better.

The smoke and mirrors may hold off the ratings agencies for today, but in the long term will do little to address their core concerns that the NZ economy is not diverse enough, innovative enough or exporting enough to pay our way.

But the answer to that problem is a real plan for growth, skills and jobs – not the ambulance at the bottom of the cliff of government surpluses being used to offset the under-performance of the real economy.

Ironically then, the ratings agencies are closer to Labour’s view – gear up the engine and the fiscal balance will be easier to manage over time.

Kiwis are decent folks. They elected this government and they are happy to give them a fair go. But when they realise that the 3 years of tax cuts they were promised were NEVER going to happen, and that there is NO PLAN to take us out the other end of this recession – they will begin to ask whether they’ve done the right thing after all.

UPDATE: A “Standard and Poor” Budget

First impressions

This Budget has all the vision of a possum caught in the headlights of the world recession. It does nothing for jobs. Nothing for growth. No constructive new ideas. No positive vision. No game plan. At best “Standard” In reality ‘Poor”.

It manages to turn the debt curve down from a peak of 42% only by rosy assumptions like:

 - suspending Super Fund contributions for 10 years leaving a $30 billion  hole for our kids to pay

- permanent “deferral” of tax cuts – surely revealing the greatest electoral lie in modern NZ history

- capping government expenditure growth to a 1% per annum  (nominal – a real cut that impies a virtual wage freeze across the public sector)

- rosy growth assumptions of 2.1% by 2011 and 4% by 2013

- $2 billion of cuts over 4 years to government expenditure including:

- gutting innovation, skills and training – hardly a growth strategy!

- cutting back new funding for international trade

- the much heralded insul-fluff is only really $35 milion per annum of new funding – the rest is poached from Heath and EECA

All in all this is visionless rubbish that does NOTHING to lead NZ into a “brighter future”.

One is left wondering what the National government has been doing for the last 6 months.

Given the most serious crisis since WW2, NZ deserved better than that.

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Rhetoric vs reality

Posted by Clare Curran on May 11th, 2009

It’s a bit like extracting teeth. Or to be more accurate, a protracted and painful labour. And it’s becoming a bit of a recurring theme. What is you ask? Getting the National Government to slowly and painfully acknowledge that their rhetoric doesn’t match the reality. Or putting it even more simply, reveal their broken promises. On rushing through their plans for an Auckland supercity, taking away the rights of Aucklanders to decide what sort of governance they should have; tax cuts that put extra dollars in the pockets of only those who don’t need them; saying they’ll cap the public service, when what they’re really doing is cutting real people’s jobs. And now claims that they will deliver broadband into people’s homes. Well oops, sorry, it won’t be into their homes, it’ll be to their streets leaving families with the bill to connect broadband actually into their homes at anywhere between hundreds and several thousand dollars, depending on how far the home is off the street and how difficult the access is.

Now I can can hear the howls of protest from the apologists for the government. But hang on a minute guys. Let’s be clear here. Did the National Party, or did it not, promise before (and after) the election to deliver ultrafast broadband fibre to 75% of New Zealanders where they live, work and study within 10 years? They promised to spend $1.5 billion and the expectation was that this would be matched on a dollar for dollar basis by private investment, making the overall investment $3 billion.  John Key used this promise as a central campaign pledge. Maurice Williamson trumpeted it from the rooftops. And New Zealanders rightly expected that this is what the newly-elected government would do.

Now my understanding is that after the election, the new Minister for Communications &IT Steven Joyce found he had inherited a pup. A promise that would be damn hard to deliver on. Costing at least $4 to $7 billion and possibly up to $10 billion to fully deliver. And he had to go back to the drawing board. Now I’m not criticising the proposal the government has come up with to date, not in this post. What I am pointing out is that the objective; ultrafast broadband to 75% of NZ homes, is undeliverable at that price. Either that, or the people will pay. Which wasn’t part of the deal. And don’t tell me it was!

Two weeks ago in Parliament, Steven Joyce didn’t want to admit that ordinary people would face a cost. However, last week  Steven Joyce was forced to admit it when he said (for the first time to my knowledge) “there will of course be an element of cost…” in the consumer contribution. Well Huh? No mention of that pre-election to my knowledge. And I’m not the only one to comment on this publicly. A report to Treasury has said as much. Though Steven Joyce has tried to undermine it. The Dom Post has been commenting on this issue as has Computer World. It’s no secret that the major telcos think the same way. And I understand that the group of electricity lines companies led by Vector who are vying for the Govt’s $1.5b are asking for expensive extras before they get involved. So, um, there’s a few issues there for the government. Not to mention the pesky question of how to deliver ultrafast broadband to the remaining 25% of New Zealanders. A quarter of our population, mostly in rural provincial New Zealand. Now there’s a challenge.