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Posts Tagged ‘English’

Beware English Bearing Greeks

Posted by David Cunliffe on May 5th, 2010

In terms of the daily cut and thrust of the House today, Bill English backfired (IMHO).  Comparing the New Zeland economy to that of Greece was wrong on every level.

First, there is no comparison.  Greece is far and away one of the most indebted countries in the OECD.  NZ is in the bottom third or quarter by various measures.  Greece has gross crown debt of 115% of GDP.  NZ had net crown debt of zero % under Labour in 2008, rising to 5% by election time due to the GFC.   NZ gross crown debt today is about 29% .    

Second, to the extent that NZ hit troubled waters in the GFC, most of that is on National’s watch.   That is not to blame them for the international crisis, but then theycannot blame Labour either – the whole argument is silly and circular, and patently so.

Third, NZ stacks up very well on the other aggregates too:  Greek unemployment nearly 11%.  NZ now 7.3%   NZ under Labour 3.4%.

Fourth, a Minister has no responsibiity for opposition policies anyway, and especially when he is simply making them up, as Mr Speaker confirmed.  That is simply outside Speakers Rulings. 

So what exactly was Bill English’s point?

Underneath this attempt at deflection is of course a deeper issue:  English is desperately trying to convince Kiwis they need to swallow savage service suts in health and education because the alternative is “Greece on steroids”… Really?  Or isn’t that just a teensy bit exagerated, Bill?

Of course prudent fiscal managment matters.  We have always said so.  Labour’s record on this is unimpeachable: Gross debt cut in half, net debt to zero; historic lows in unemployment; higher average growth over the decade than under National; the longest post war expansion on record etc etc etc.

Point is: fiscal prudence is a necessary but not a sufficient condition for a coherent economic strategy for good jobs and living standards and the other things that really matter to ordinary Kiwis.  That’s why labour is challenging National at the heart of the economic debate: on jobs and growth.   Why we are emphasising the need to close the other deficits in exports, savings, innovation and social issues.  On boosting valued added and clean technologies.

See the post below (Building to the Budget) for more detail.


Tax and the Budget Policy Statement

Posted by David Cunliffe on March 4th, 2010

Parliament’s Finance and Expenditure Select Committee has just released its report on the half-yearly Budget Policy Statement.  This  politely worded document contains some useful nuggets of information that arose from Bill English’s testimony to the committee, and summarises FEC members’ views of what they heard.  Some of it was reported at the time, but it is worth reiterating in the context of the broader tax reform debate.

  1. English reiterated that the tax pacakge will be fiscally neutral.
  2. Raising GST to 15% is the government’s intention.
  3. This was not presented as a “revenue raiser on its own” but was needed to help pay for cuts to tax rates.
  4. The main rate change would be at the top end, with likely alignment with the Trust rate at 33%.
  5. Although there was talk that middle and lower income earners would be “no worse off”, committee members pointed out the huge inequity of top rate reductions for the few, versus standstill at best for the many.  There is no disguising the relative shift of the tax burden.

FEC members pushed on how the government would achieve fiscal neutrality given its stated intentions to compensate for GST – the numbers did not appear to add up.    Mr English first disputed the Tax Working Group’s estimates (funny how when he agrees he quotes them) that show full compensation costs almost all the extra revenue increased GST raises; then said rate cuts woul be largely funded from taxes on property.

Having excluded a comprehensive CGT, Land Tax and RFRM, the amount able to be raised from changing building depreciation rules is insufficient (only $0.3 to $1 bn compared to a revenue requirement of $1.2-$1.5bn ).  So if the government cuts the top rate as much as they’d like, it doesn’t leave a lot left over for the great majority of taxpayers.

Mr English then wriggled around on what a partial CGT might look like – discussing a bright line test to change the “intent” rules around property speculation.  English has also proposed “ring fencing”, a measure that he has ridiculed in the past as a ‘disastrous’ proposal.(http://www.hansard.parliament.govt.nz/Documents/20070621.htm )

It is very debateable whether that would fix the tax inequity between investment classes.  It is even more dubious to suggest that the additional property taxes would all be borne by top tax rate individuals – what about retirees and middle income earners with one or two investment proprties who may need to sell up? It looks like the intervention into the property market will really be a revenue gathering exercise to pay for tax cuts to the top rate, rather than a principled approach to addressing distortions as English claims.

And nowhere in the MOF’s presentation was there any talk about closing down the other tax planning rorts.  Funny that.

More broadly, the government cannot escape the contradiction that:

  1. It says it has enough revenue to deliver big top rate tax reductions for the few (but not the many).
  2. But it will drastically reduce new spending to $1.1 bn in Budget 2010 and onwards - inevitably resulting in real front line service cuts to Health and Education.
  3. There was no discussion of restoring superannuation pre-funding, Kiwisaver incentives,  restoring contributions to the SuperFund, or R and D tax credits, even though Treasury has previously advised all are prudent and necessary.

My impression of Bill English’s presentation was that no matter how it is dressed up, the government’s intentions are stark and predictable: raise taxes for the many and cut them for the few, and cut services for the many to pay for it.


English Outed

Posted by Pete Hodgson on October 28th, 2009

The A-G’s report into Bill English confirms that he does have a pecuiary interest in the house he sought to rent to the taxpayer for $47k.p.a. Here is the relevant quote: ‘the Crown was renting a property for Mr English from a trust in which he had an interest, and the arrangement was explicitly based on a view that he did not have an interest.’

That means he should never have received the money.

It means his ‘voluntary’ return of the money is no longer voluntary.

It means that the legal construct that said he (somehow) did not have an interest came nowhere near fooling the A-G. She applied common sense instead of legal shading. Bill English is a common sense fellow. He would have known his construct was self serving.

Further it now makes Bill English’s claim that he changed his trust deed ‘for personal and family reasons’, well, incredible. That is, a deceit. The truth, contained in both the A-G’s report and written questions is that Bill English’s family trust was first discussed in officialdom in Nov 08 and by about Dec 3 Bill had a clear idea what he needed to do. He changed the deed in Jan, signed a declaration that he had no pecuniary interest on Feb 1 and the cash flowed until the Dom asked questions months later when expenses were made public for the first time.

So this was a construct.

But I still haven’t got to the bottom of one aspect: given that no Minister has ever before sought to rent their house to the taxpayer at above backbench rates and conditions, new rules needed to be created to allow it. Who did the creating? My only clue is an email from officialdom that says the ‘ninth floor’ did. Mr Key has so far not answered that question. Best I try again.


Who tells Key?

Posted by Trevor Mallard on September 18th, 2009

Interesting bit in Dompost recently about a poor speech Key made at an award ceremony. What became clear is that there isn’t a system – formal or informal – for telling Key when he has not done well or has something wrong. Not always a great role to have but someone (or more often 2/3 people) has to do it.

Greasing up to a leader is easy.  Giving a full frank and differing opinion sometimes isn’t.

Then again maybe we should believe the spin that Key is so good he gets everything right first time.


A Treasury of Distinguished Gentlemen from the Financial Sector

Posted by David Cunliffe on July 3rd, 2009

Thanks to Tim E for asking some useful questions on my last posting, to which I promised a considered reply – and have thrown in a more respectful title.

Let’s begin by recalling the central issue.

The question is whether there is a prima facie case for the banks to answer.

 The Finance and Expenditure Committee was told by the Reserve Bank Gov. that there is enough persuasive evidence to justify putting serious questions to the banks. The committee appeared to share a common intention with that sentiment, so much so it declared its intention to hold an inquiry.

The Prime Minister has also raised concerns: “Our big aim is that if the Reserve Bank Governor does cut rates tomorrow that actually flows through to what consumers are paying, because in the last cut that Alan Bollard delivered it ended up with the banks and not with the consumers”.

So has the Minister of Finance: “Taxpayers are supporting the banks, and we want the banks to be able to demonstrate that they are going to support businesses and households through a tough time in the economy, even if it affects their profits a bit”.

In fact two of the major New Zealand banks agreed that an inquiry would be useful.

Mr Hickey may have some legitimate points, however they do not adequately address the concerns of the Reserve Bank Gov, or the concerns of the 86% of respondents to an NZMEA survey, or the concerns of the many New Zealanders struggling in the current economic climate.

I think that most New Zealanders look at the OCR at 2.5% and want to know how banks can continue to profit at pre-recessionary levels while they are struggling to meet mortgage payments at 5-6%. A select committee inquiry would go some way to addressing these concerns and answering some of the questions that have been put to the banks.

With respect to Labour’s record in this area, there can be no argument that the economic climate that we face now is vastly different to that of the previous 9 years. We have been presented with new challenges and in many respects, greater difficulties. However, in light of the strained circumstances so many around the country find themselves in, I think MPs owe it to their constituency to ensure that concerns of the nature the Reserve Bank Gov expressed against the banks are met with the attention they deserve.

Nevertheless, Tim E asked for some more detail on Labour’s activity in the banking sector.

Here are some examples:

Accounting for short-term volatility in RB oversight

As you point out, in 1999 under Labour the Finance Minister and the Governor of the Reserve Bank revised the Policy Targets Agreement. This introduced into sector 4c “[I]n pursuing its price stability objective, the Bank shall implement monetary policy in a sustainable, consistent and transparent manner and shall seek to avoid unnecessary instability in output, interest rates and the exchange rate”. This change was to allow the Bank to look through short-term volatility and aggressive shifts in exchange rates.

Increased flexibility to react to foreign exchange movements

In 2004, the government supported moves by the Reserve Bank to broaden its foreign exchange intervention capacity, and provided $1 Billion in capital to the RB in support. The Government also provided an additional $1.9B of foreign currency reserves for the purposes of intervening to combat dysfunction in the foreign exchange market. It also ratified a Funding Agreement with the Reserve Bank to intervene in the foreign exchange market.

In 2007, the Reserve Bank moved to hold some portion of its foreign reserves on an unhedged basis, an “open FX” position, meaning that part of its foreign reserves portfolio would be funded in New Zealand dollars rather than in foreign currencies. This gave the Bank a more effective means of responding to crisis situations involving sharp falls in the New Zealand dollar.

Expansion of prudential coverage

Under Labour the Reserve Bank was encouraged to deepen its prudential oversight of the banking industry. The Labour Government also extended the Banks prudential coverage to include the non-bank financial products and advisors and financial intermediaries, with the legislation passed in 2008.

Capital adequacy framework

Under Labour, banks undertook moves to sure up their capital adequacy, taking account the risks they take, as required under the Basel II capital adequacy framework. These changes introduced incentives for banks to enhance their risk-management systems and processes.

Capital liquidity

In 2008, Labour introduced the Retail Deposit Guarantee Scheme and Wholesale Funding Guarantee Facility to ensure liquidity of the banking system. Under Labour the Reserve Bank also extended the underwriting guarantee, including a negotiated bilateral swap with the US Federal Reserve that, at my last count, backed $7.6 billion in assets.

The Labour Government took a relatively orthodox approach to monetary policy at a time when the prevailing conditions appeared that the policy framework was working well at the time.

A number of reviews of the monetary policy supported the Government’s view that on the whole the policy framework was appropriate to the conditions. These reviews included the 2000 Independent Review of Monetary Policy, and the Finance and Expenditure Committee Inquiry into the future monetary policy framework. Review of the regulation and performance of major institutions has also been part of work looking at closer integration in trans-Tasman banking regulation and supervision. Labour’s approach to banking policy was orthodox, responsible and appropriate for the time.

Finally, I would like to address the issue of “grandstanding”. I think it is important to take a more balanced view of what for many has been an annoying issue. As you can see from the above statements from My Key and Mr English they too consider this to be an issue. Nobody I’ve talked to has disputed the statement of either the Prime Minister or the Minister of Finance. Nor have they denied that the Minister has exerted his significant influence on his back bench colleagues to block the inquiry. Nor that the inquiry would be impotent.

The Reserve Bank Gov made the point explicitly and repeatedly, that they need to pass on more fully the OCR cuts to the short term variable rates. A select committee inquiry would provide a timely opportunity to get the details into the public view and give banks an opportunity to provide some transparency. To date the Government has done little more than embarrass itself and weaken its future leverage in the banking sector.

An update to add that the banks backing the inquiry were ANZ-National & BNZ. Westpac opposed it.